Συγγραφέας:Διεθνές Συμπόσιο
 
Τίτλος:Πρακτικά του Διεθνούς Συμποσίου «Πανεπιστήμιο: Ιδεολογία και Παιδεία»
 
Υπότιτλος:Ιστορική διάσταση και προοπτικές
 
Τίτλος σειράς:Ιστορικό Αρχείο Ελληνικής Νεολαίας
 
Αριθμός σειράς:19
 
Τόπος έκδοσης:Αθήνα
 
Εκδότης:Γενική Γραμματεία Νέας Γενιάς
 
Έτος έκδοσης:1989
 
Σελίδες:657
 
Αριθμός τόμων:2 τόμοι
 
Γλώσσα:Ελληνικά
 
Θέμα:Εκπαίδευση-Τριτοβάθμια
 
Παιδεία-Εκπαίδευση
 
Τοπική κάλυψη:Ευρώπη
 
Χρονική κάλυψη:13ος-20ός αι.
 
Περίληψη:Στους δύο τόμους του βιβλίου αυτού περιέχονται τα Πρακτικά του 2ου Διεθνούς Συμποσίου που διοργάνωσε το ΙΑΕΝ σε συνεργασία με την Εταιρεία Μελέτης Νέου Ελληνισμού, με θέμα Πανεπιστήμιο: Ιδεολογία και Παιδεία.Ιστορική διάσταση και προοπτικές. Το Συμπόσιο έγινε στην Αθήνα από τις 21 έως τις 26 Σεπτεμβρίου 1987 και συνέπεσε με τον εορτασμό των 150 χρόνων του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών.
 
Άδεια χρήσης:Αυτό το ψηφιοποιημένο βιβλίο του ΙΑΕΝ σε όλες του τις μορφές (PDF, GIF, HTML) χορηγείται με άδεια Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial (Αναφορά προέλευσης - Μη εμπορική χρήση) Greece 3.0
 
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MAIN STAGES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOFIA UNIVERSITY

VĂRBAN TODOROV

The idea of opening a Bulgarian Higher educational institution (a University), sprang up as early as the middle of the 19th century. The period between the 20ies and the 40ies were years of gradual economic ascent and forming of a national bourgeoisie in the Bulgarian territories and a number of Bulgarians had received their University education or were still studying at Greek, Russian or Western universities. It was those people who, possessed by a new world outlook, imbued with the spirit and ideas of the Enlightenment, strove to found a University in Bulgaria, to raise the cultural level of the people, enhance the forming of local intelligentsia and play the role of a national centre for the Bulgarians. The idea of political liberation was naturally connected and initiated by the idea of educational and cultural advancement of the people as a main prerequisite for the achievement of national consciousness.

In the period after the Crimean war secular education was promoted in Bulgaria and class schools were opened in a number of places, which led to the necessity for a greater number of teachers with better education and special secular knowledge at that. It is natural that those Bulgarians who had graduated foreign universities could not possibly satisfy the spiritual needs of the people, and as an article from that time rightly mentioned, «the graduates started to drift away from the Bulgarian people» («Letostrui», 1871, «What is being thought and planned»).

Here are the names of some famous scholars and spiritual enlighteners before the Liberation, who accepted and fervently backed up the idea of opening a Higher school or «panepistem» in Bulgaria —Iv. Seliminski, Iv. Bogorov, K. Fotinov, V. Aprilov, G. S. Rakovski, G. 

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Krastevič, and others. Different projects were also drawn up, but no practical steps were taken for their realization in the years of the Ottoman rule. It was prevented by the lack of objective conditions —first of all a free and independent state with the corresponding institutions, to guarantee and organize an undertaking like this. There did not exist the necessary scholarly and teaching potential either, to back up and develop the University as an educational and scientific centre.

It was only after the Liberation of Bulgaria (1878) that real opportunities for the foundation of a Higher educational institution were created. Schooling activities were regulated in about a year in the newly-liberated country. The Educational Department was created (later the Ministry of Education), primary and secondary education was settled and the question was posed for opening a special Higher school. The main inspirer and supporter of this idea was Konstantin Jireček, Czech by origin, Professor of Balkan geography and history at Prague University, who was invited by the Bulgarian government to assist the establishing of a schooling system in Bulgaria. As a Minister of Education, he repeatedly brought to the fore the question of creating an institute for training the cadres that were so necessary for the young Bulgarian state. He envisaged a Higher school with a three-year course of education, consisting of three departments; the department of law with seven professors, the department of history and philology with five professors and the department of physics and mathematics with six professors. The other projects, suggested by renowned Bulgarian social and cultural functionaries of that period are structurally very similar. All of them share one common feature —the Humanities and the exact (natural) sciences are allotted equal importance, a concept preserved later at the foundation of the University, designed after the model of the most up-to-date Western universities of the time. In spite of the support of almost all governments, until the end of the 80ies there was no special law to come into force for the opening of a University in Bulgaria.

Ten years after the Liberation social conditions in Bulgaria imposed the realization of the idea of a Bulgarian Higher educational institution. The lack of specialists was acutely felt not only in education and science, but mostly for the increasing needs of the economic, political and administrative management and activity of the Bulgarian state. In 1887 the Minister of Education issued a decree for the opening of a «higher pedagogic course» for the training of teachers for the three-class schools (secondary schools), and it was officially opened in Sofia on 1.10.1888. This act put the foundations of higher education in Bulgaria.

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The development of the Bulgarian University can generally be divided into three stages: a) from its foundation to World War I, b) between the two World Wars, c) from World War II to our days. The three periods share a common tendency towards extending the functions of the University, increasing its role and importance for the overall socio-political and economic life of the country. It continued functioning and developing even in the most difficult times and turbulent political years, and proved to be not only the main centre for education and science, but also for ideological and political education.

First period. The Higher pedagogic course comprised two groups of subjects: general and special. The general included pedagogics, psychology, and sociology, while the special were divided into historical (history of the Eastern peoples, Slavonic ethnography, origins of culture, Greek history, Bulgarian history, and general history) and philological (general linguistics, phonetics, morphology and syntax of Old Bulgarian, Greek and Latin, Germanic and Romanic languages and history of contemporary Bulgarian). It may be here appropriate to point out that unlike Greece where the language problem turned into an ideological and political one, Bulgaria did not have a problem like this to solve, since spoken language was introduced both at school and in literature from the very beginning, while Old Bulgarian was used only by the Church. The professors were seven, four regular and three extramural, and the students were 43, men only. On the following year a section of Physics and Mathematics was added to the course, which was extended itself from two to three years. The first rector was elected, Al. Teodorov Balan. The same year the Pedagogic course changed its name to Higher School, a University in practice. From the very beginning, however, the Higher Pedagogic course was meant to be not only an institution for the training of teaching and administrative cadres, but exceeded the framework of purely pedagogic needs, aiming at a scientific career for some of its graduates. The lack of lecturers with a narrow specialization imposed the need to invite some from abroad —a number of professors were invited in the next years from Russia and Czechia mainly, but as a whole the lecturing staff was Bulgarian predominantly. A Department of Law was opened in 1892, and the Higher School had 12 teachers and 131 students.

In 1894 the organizational structure of the Higher School was updated after the example of German universities, considered to be the most progressive for that time. Departments ware formed —the Department

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of History and Philology, the Department of Physics and Mathematics and the Department of Law, which were divided into branches. The School was headed by a rector and the departments by deans. Lecturers were titled regular and extramural professors and state and private readers. Assistant professors were also appointed. An Academic Council was created —the highest organ of the University, and department councils for each department. Students were regular and listeners, and the period for all specialties was determined to be four years.

By the end of the 19th century the Higher School enjoyed a considerably greater number of students and lecturers, as well as disciplines taught. In 1902, for instance, the Department of History and Philology already had 12 chairs with 12 professors, 6 readers and 5 lecturers, the Department of Physics and Mathematics 16 chairs with 16 regular professors, 7 readers, 7 assistant professors and 2 lecturers, and the Department of Law 10 chairs with the corresponding number of professors. In 1896 the brothers Evlogi and Hristo Georgiev, big Bulgarian merchants, donated a site of 10.200 m2 in the centre of Sofia and 6 mln Levs for the construction of a building —an important contribution to the University. In 1900 a law was passed to change the name of the Higher School to University, even though it had practically functioned as such before that.

In the years up to the First World War the prestige of the University as the only Higher educational institution, dealing with science besides that, was consolidated and developed. This is indicated by the increased staff. In 1910 a new department was opened —the Department of Agronomy, with 9 chairs, and the chairs at the other departments increased. In the same year the general number of the body of lecturers was 45 regular and 6 extramural professors, 30 readers, 16 assistant professors and 8 lecturers. In 1912 the number of students reached the imposing number of 2116 people.

Scientific activities in that period also flourished. In 1891 the students founded the «Nauka» society for holding talks and lectures on scientific topics. Both lecturers and students had the right to publish papers and studies in «Collection of Popular Lore, Science and Literature» and the periodical of the Bulgarian Literary Society (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences today). Since 1896 an Almanac of the Higher School was published, for the presentation of scientific articles, studies and monographs. Two years later a Yearbook of the School appeared soon to become a scientific, rather than official edition. In the same year a special «scientific goals fund» was promoted in the School. As

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early as 1888 the University Library was founded, with the aim of assisting lecturing and research work at the University. Though slowly, it gradually enriched its literary fund, enlarged its functions and importance, so that in the next ten years it was able to open up branch libraries at all departments of the University. In 1910 a new statute book of the University was accepted and the «University Library» series was created, meant for scientific publications and lecturers' works. To encourage scientific interests among the students, scholarly societies were founded with the separate departments and specialties two years later.

The turbulent socio-political life in the young Bulgarian state in that period was bound to influence educational institutes. This was even more so where students were concerned, since they were the principal upholders of progressive and radical views, and quite often their inspirer and initiator. The whole long life of the University was marked by a stormy student activity. The opening of the School was immediately accompanied by acute discontent among students, lecturers and progressive circles occasioned by the non-admittance of women as students at the University. After long delays, the problem was solved positively as late as 1904 and the first 16 women-students were admitted. In ten years' time, their number already amounted to 559, for the school year 1911-12. Several years after it was founded, the students' society «Nauka» was dissolved under the pretext of spreading revolutionary and socialist ideas. In 1903 a social-democratic group was founded at the University, which brought about the corresponding reaction. The first repressive measures were taken, strong limitations were introduced and a statute book was issued forbidding students to take up political activities and there were a number of occasions when students were expelled.

Nevertheless, every event of importance had its impact upon the students. There were considerable disturbances in 1894 directed against St. Stambolov's dictatorship, while three years later, in 1897, there was a clash between the authorities and students on the occasion of the assassination of the writer Aleko Konstantinov. Police terror in Bulgaria was condemned at a general meeting and three days' mourning was declared at the University as well as a special meeting. In 1901 a students' meeting was held to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the April Rebellion and protests were aired that the people's festivities had turned into a court celebration. The limitations imposed by the new University statute book from 1905 provoked the students' reaction which resulted in open boycotting of lectures. In that particular case students protested

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against the limitations in airing opinions, the ban on students' meetings and red tape accompanying University studies. Students' disturbances reached their climax, however, when Prince Ferdinand was hissed at when opening the National Theatre. As a result of this, a decree of the Council of Ministers was issued, closing the University officially for six months, dismissing all professors and readers and interning the students to their homes or taking them in the Army. This brought about the first University crisis. Professors and students took a decision favouring boycott and the University closed its doors. In vain did the government try to attract lecturers from abroad, because of the refusal of most foreign universities who expressed their solidarity with the Bulgarian colleagues. The crisis lasted for about a year, professors persisting and students refusing to enroll for the new term. The government was finally forced to give in, the previous professors were appointed anew, and the students were admitted as regular.

Second period. In spite of the heavy war years the University, functioning with a diminished lecturing and student staff, did not terminate its activity. Its normal development was, however, resumed after the end of World War I.

The question of opening a Medical department at the University was set many times before the wars, there was even a bill in 1904, which, however, did not come to be realized. The lack of a sufficient number of doctors and medical staff, especially sharply felt during the wars, put the question of opening a medical department pointblank. In January 1918, it started functioning and the first 100 students enrolled in 25 Chairs. Several years later two more departments were opened —the theological, with 8 Chairs, and the Veterinary, with 9 Chairs. So about the year 1924 the University grew considerably and took the countenance of a modern European Higher educational institution, providing versatile and all-round education. It already had seven departments (History and Philology, Physics and Mathematics, Law, Medicine, Veterinary, Agronomy, Theology) with the total number of 88 Chairs.

Certain limitations were introduced because of the great influx of students when admitting them, as well as different taxes —50 levs a term, and 20 levs for an exam, 40 levs for a make-up examination. In 1921-22 a new University crisis was brought about by the licence of the Minister of Education, who, without respecting the views of the Academic Council, took the liberty of intruding upon the internal activity of the University. The professors officially stated that they would

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boycott of the decisions of the Minister of Education unless they were given a pay rise, unless students' taxes were diminished and the Ministry stopped intruding in the University's internal affairs and granted it autonomy. Students stood by the lecturers and the whole community, and a «Committee for the Defence of Professorship» was founded. Studies had been terminated for about a year when the crisis was solved in favour of the University.

In 1924 the construction of the new University building was started (that of today), designed by the French architect Breasson. It accommodated the Department of History and Philology, the Department of Law and the Rector's office. The new building could not satisfy the increasing needs of the University, and for that reason the Departments of Medicine, Veterinary, Agronomy and Theology were housed in different buildings. The construction of the University Library went parallel to that of the main building and was ended in 1933, and is still one of the best-organized scientific libraries.

The period between the two wars was one of the most turbulent in the political history of Bulgaria. The fascist coup from 1923, the establishing of fascist governments in the country, its economic and political adherence to the orbit of Hitlerist Germany, could not but influence largely University life. The polarization of political forces in Bulgaria from the 30ies onwards was felt in the Higher institute, too. There was a tendency among some professors to openly deal with politics, a practice hitherto not tolerated. (The previous period abounded in cases when regular lecturers, wishing to put their candidature for deputies of the National Assembly had first to resign from the University, staying there only as extramural or part-time lecturers.) In later times some of them, scientists of international renown took up ministerial posts even in the most reactionary fascist regimes and governments, a fact which brought about their sinister notoriety. The following professors can be mentioned here: Aleksandar Čankov, Bogdan Filov, Dr. Aleksandar Stanišev, etc. Different political organizations came to exist among students, too, the most active being the pro-fascist «Brannik» and «Oteč Paisij» and the communist GUSB (General Union of Students in Bulgaria).

The first period, as well as that between the two World Wars was characterized with violent Students' disturbances and clashes. The second period, however, differs in that students' activities were of a more pronounced political character. In the political demonstrations during the years 1931-34, 1937-40 students fought against the violating of democratic rights and freedoms and against the pro-German policy of

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the Bulgarian Bourgeoisie. A notable event was the struggle to send away from the University the «bloody» professor Al. Čankov, who had participated in a fascist coup d'état and later left the country with the hitlerist army. In 1940 blood was shed in the collisions between the students and the police for the non-participation of Bulgaria in the Tripartite Pact and accepting the Soviet government's offer for a mutual collaboration pact. Tied to Germany, the Bulgarian government refused. A mass movement for exerting influence on the government was formed, where the most active part was played by the illegal Bulgarian Communist Party and the Students' Union GUSB. After Germany's assault on the Soviet Union the student members of the GUSB joined the revolutionary anti-fascist movement under the guidance of the BCP. In the period 1941-1944 a number of students, communists and anti-fascists, perished, and dozens were sent to prisons and sentenced to death or long-term imprisonment.

In the years between the two World Wars Sofia University continued to develop as the most significant educational, lecturing and research centre in Bulgaria. Scientific editions of the University continued to come out —200 books of the «University Library» series were published until 1937. Sofia University Yearbooks came to be edited by specialties and departments, 34 volumes having been edited for the Dep. of History and Philology by the end of the 30ies, 34 for the Dep. of Physics and Mathematics, 33 for the Dep. of Law, 17 for the Medical Department, 16 for the Dep. of Agronomy, 15 for the Theological and 14 for the Veterinary Medical Department. The University Library had a considerable contribution to the education and growth of University cadres, as about 1944 it contained nearly 350.000 volumes of scientific volumes and magazines. In spite of the limited admittance and the fees, the number of students considerably increased —in 1927-28 they were 2784 men and 1032 women, and in 1937-38 they amounted to 5476 people, 1507 women among them. University lecturers in the same year were 75 regular, 45 extramural and 4 part-time, 10 regular and 35 private readers and about 165 assistants. A large part of them came to be great scientists, with a contribution not only to Bulgarian, but to world science as well: Vasil Zlatarski (a historian), Jordan Ivanov (a historian), Asen Zlatarov (a chemist), Metodi Popov (a biologist), Georgi Nadžakov (a physicist), Venelin Ganev (a jurist), D. Mihalčev (a philologist), etc.

The third stage in the development of Sofia University is determined by the new political and economic changes that occurred in Bulgaria

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with the establishment of the people's democratic rule. The peculiarities of the victory of socialism in our country reflected on the development of Sofia University, too (as it is known, until 1949 there existed an official opposition in Bulgaria, with parties, press organs and the corresponding propaganda). In the conditions of the new rule Sofia University was bound to become a university of the people, indeed, educating the intelligentsia of the people, an active participant in socialist construction. The process of transformation was done gradually, however, it was well-thought over and devoid of rash actions and crisis moments that revolutionary conditions suggest. It is not by chance that two of Bulgaria's regents after 9 September 1944 became remarkable scholars, the jurist Venelin Ganev and the philosopher Todor Pavlov. Immediately after 9 September 1944 University taxes were abolished and higher education became free and accessible to all. The rights of all students-antifascists, partisans and political prisoners were restored. Only those lecturers and professors were dismissed and started proceedings against, who had been directly connected with the fascist rule and had had pronounced fascist activity. People with progressive views were invited to the University, with considerable contribution in practice, who had been kept away from the University up to that time, as the founder of veterinary medicine in Bulgaria Pavlov, prominent doctor, the historian M. Dimitrov and a number of others.

In 1947 the first measures were taken for the overall re-shaping of higher education. A law was passed for the non-admittance of lecturers and students with fascist and anti-popular views and activity in the University. A Commission on Higher Education was created to review and re-work all former educational plans, programs and statute books in view of the new needs and requirements of the socialist state. Assistant-professors were admitted to the sessions of the Department and Academic Councils and post-graduate studies were set up for the training of scientific cadres. There came to be a strife towards the re-shaping in teaching, and as in all spheres of economic and political life in the country, the University also accepted the principle of planning as the main principle of teaching, training and distribution of cadres. Planning was introduced into research work, too. This facilitated the connection of science and practice with the needs of economy. Measures were taken for the improving of discipline, the timely sitting of exams, and lecture and practical period attendance was made obligatory. Extramural education was introduced for some specialties.

The increasing need of specialists in all spheres of industry and

23

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agriculture set new tasks before our higher education. In two or three years only after 9.9.1944 the number of students reached 32000 people. In spite of the increased number of lecturers, a number of problems arose of educational and organizational character. The necessity for an overall structural re-organization of the University became pressing. In 1948 four departments —the Sylviculturist, the Agronomical, the Veterinary, and the Zootechnical— separated into another higher educational institution, the Academy of Agriculture. Two years later the Medical Department also separated, constituting the future Medical Academy, and the Theological Department turned into the Theological Academy. The departments and specialties of fundamental disciplines remained at the University. Some old buildings were re-constructed for University needs, while some new ones were built, too. Deputy-rectors and deputy-deans were elected to assist the Rector and the Deans.

A new law was passed in 1959 for the further development of education in Bulgaria. The goal in view was a solid connection between the training and scientific process and industry. The law resulted in the new re-working of University educational plans and curricula. The weakly occupation of students was diminished, to allow them greater opportunities for working on their own and for scientific research. Some disciplines merged, lessening the number of exams, and others were re-distributed more adequately during the school year so as to avoid excessive pressures in some semesters. New disciplines were taken up in view of the latest world achievements, new Chairs and even new Departments came into being. The link education - science - industry was enhanced by the introduction of the system of training practice and the obligatory three-year assignment of specialists to particular working places after graduating the University. These laws gave a strong impetus to engineering and technical education and prompted the foundation of the respective higher institutions in the capital and in other towns of the country.

In 1971 Sofia University and the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences were integrated, to assist the closer co-operation between educational-industrial and scientific research work. In practice this amounts to uniting the research plans of institutes at the BAS with the ones of respective departments at the University. To attain better coordination 9 United Centres for Science and Cadre-training at the BAS were formed, their Deputy heads for education being the Deans of the respective Departments. An immediate connection is thus realized of the lecturing staff with the institutes of the Academy, and an opportunity is created for contact of the students with the academic scientific units.

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Sofia University has become the largest Higher institute in the country —in the middle of the 70ies it had a personnel of 120 professors, 150 readers, 450 assistants, 161 lecturers and 300 part-time professors, readers and lecturers. The printing house of the University has been enlarged and since recently it has been turned into an independent editing house with its own printing base. All University edition are published there —the Yearbooks, lecturers' works, translations and other scientific literature. Last but not least comes the international activity of Sofia University. It has gained considerable renown in other countries recently, owing to the frequent international meetings, colloquiums, symposiums in different occasions. Agreements are regularly signed for scientific and lecturing exchange and co-operation with foreign universities. This co-operation has resulted in the ever-increasing number of foreign graduates, which also points to the International acknowledgement of Sofia University. The 100th anniversary of Sofia University will be celebrated next year —a hundred years of incessant progress in science and education.

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ΛΕΥΚΗ ΣΕΛΙΔΑ

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L'AFFIRMATION DE L'IDENTITÉ NATIONALE ET L'UNIVERSITÉ EN ALBANIE

JORGO BULO

Chaque peuple, conformément aux particularités de son développement historique, a trouvé sa propre voie pour affirmer son identité nationale en joignant à sa lutte pour son émancipation politique et sociale ses efforts pour sauvegarder ses particularités ethniques et développer sa culture nationale.

Dans des circonstances particulières, comme celles qui ont donné sa physionomie à l'époque du mouvement national des Albanais, époque qui occupe la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle et la première décennie de notre siècle, la composante culturelle, englobant le progrès des institutions scolaires aussi, revêtait une importance primordiale et jouait un rôle décisif pour la formation de la conscience nationale des Albanais. Mais alors que les facteurs et les tendances du développement socio-économique et culturel intérieur favorisaient la réalisation de l'aspiration vitale des Albanais à la formation de leur État indépendant national sur la base de la communauté de leur vie économique et spirituelle, ethnique-linguistique et de l'unité territoriale léguée par l'histoire, des facteurs extérieurs s'opposaient à ce processus naturel.

Le siècle des mouvements nationaux balkaniques a trouvé les Albanais dans la condition d'une entité nationale formée, dotés d'une propre individualité ethno-culturelle bien marquée, préparés par une longue évolution historique à se présenter au monde comme une nation distincte, libre et indépendante.

À ce cours de développement normal pour un peuple s'opposaient certains facteurs spécifiques du peuple albanais par rapport aux autres peuples des Balkans. En premier lieu, il lui échut le sort de rester 

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intégré plus longtemps qu'eux dans l'Empire Ottoman, qui avait "simplifié de façon radicale la géographie et l'ethnographie" (K. Marx), qui avait dénié aux Albanais le droit d'utiliser leur propre langue dans l'enseignement, avait interdit l'ouverture d'écoles nationales et plongé le pays dans un état d'arriération et d'ignorance profonde.

D'autre part, les efforts du peuple albanais pour obtenir son indépendance nationale se heurtaient aux intérêts politiques des Grandes Puissances et des monarchies balkaniques; les idéaux de progrès et d'émancipation nationale et spirituelle des Albanais étaient confrontés à toute une série de préjugés médiévaux ataviques, ainsi qu'à un ensemble de motifs impérialistes et chauvins, qui gagnèrent en force lors de la Crise d'Orient et, plus tard, lorsque la bourgeoisie des États monarchiques abandonna les idéaux libérateurs et démocratiques, qui inspirèrent les révolutions nationales dans les Balkans; cette bourgeoisie aspirait à renforcer et à agrandir son propre État aux dépens des autres peuples, qui, pour des raisons historiques connues, ne devaient parvenir à créer que plus tard leur État national indépendant, comme c'était le cas des Albanais.

Toutes ces circonstances conféraient à la lutte pour l'affirmation de l'identité nationale des Albanais un caractère particulier et rendaient le développement de la culture et de l'enseignement national une nécessité impérative de l'époque.

Ce contexte historique et culturel détermina le processus du développement culturel dans les années de la Renaissance Nationale, les voies et les particularités de l'édification du système national d'enseignement, du développement des sciences et du savoir, qui devaient permettre de concrétiser le projet de fondation d'une Université Nationale en Albanie. Et ce ne fut pas là une aspiration éphémère, mais une idée qui demeura dans le programme du mouvement national des Albanais, et que formulait expressément le traité politique et social "L'Albanie, ce qu'elle a été, ce qu'elle est et ce qu'elle sera" (1899), œuvre de Sami Frashëri, l'éminent idéologue de la Renaissance Nationale Albanaise.

Certes, les phénomènes relatifs à la superstructure, et le programme culturel et éducatif de la Renaissance Nationale, n'étaient pas tous inspirés simplement par les idées des Lumières; ils étaient avant tout déterminés par les nouveaux facteurs politiques et économiques-sociaux, par la pénétration des rapports capitalistes en Albanie durant la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle. Les intérêts de la nouvelle classe bourgeoise albanaise, exigeaient que les changements intervenus à la base fussent suivis de changements à la superstructure, susceptibles d'encourager

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le développement des nouveaux rapports et d'appuyer les efforts pour la constitution d'un État national unitaire en tant que condition indispensable de l'existence de la bourgeoisie nationale.

L'idée de la création d'une Université albanaise apparaît donc durant la lutte pour le développement indépendant de la société albanaise, comme une aspiration fondée sur la réalité historique qui avait mis à l'ordre du jour l'affirmation de la nation dans tous les domaines. Bien qu'elle n'eût pas été réalisée durant la Renaissance Nationale, époque qui s'acheva par la proclamation de l'indépendance en 1912, cette idée avait une base intérieure réelle dans le développement économique, culturel, de la pensée scientifique et pédagogique, ainsi que dans le développement du système d'enseignement de l'époque.

La fondation de «La société d'impression en langue albanaise» (1879), qui a joué le rôle d'une institution centrale pour le développement de la culture et de l'enseignement national, l'ouverture en 1887 à Korça de la première école nationale en langue albanaise et plus tard d'une école normale (1909) qui formait les cadres nécessaires au réseau scolaire du pays, le progrès de la littérature artistique nationale et les efforts pour réaliser une langue nationale unifiée, les publications littéraires, scientifiques, folkloriques et didactiques, les progrès effectués dans les sciences, surtout dans les recherches philologiques et historiques, le développement de la presse, l'organisation de plusieurs congrès sur les problèmes de l'enseignement et de la langue albanaise, étaient autant de facteurs qui contribuaient non seulement à l'affirmation de l'individualité nationale et ethno-culturelle des Albanais, mais aussi à la réalisation du projet de fondation de l'université albanaise.

Il faut également prendre en considération le fait que le mouvement national albanais eut sa propre intelligentsia, laquelle, bien que formée dans les universités et les écoles étrangères tel que le lycée «Zosimea» de Ioannina, malgré le fait qu'elle vivait et œuvrait dans le pays comme à l'étranger, se rallia à un front politique et culturel national unique et a mis son esprit au service de la cause nationale. Cette intelligentsia comptait des personnalités éminentes comme Sami Frashëri, Président de «La société d'impression en langue albanaise», savant encyclopédique et illustre érudit de l'Empire ottoman, Hasan Tahsin, membre de cette société patriotique, savant diplômé en France, premier recteur de l'Université d'Istamboul, Naim Frashëri, poète national des Albanais, A. Z. Çajupi, juriste diplômé en Suisse et poète, Konstandin Kristoforidhi, philologue, lexicographe, Jéronim De Rada, philologue et poète, promoteur du mouvement patriotique des Albanais d'Italie, Ndre Mjeda,

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poète patriote, diplômé en philosophie et en théologie à Rome et professeur de logique et de métaphysique à l'Université grégorienne de Rome, Aleksandër Xhuvani et Sotir Peci qui terminèrent leurs études supérieures à l'Université d'Athènes et devinrent par la suite, le premier, un linguiste remarquable, le second journaliste et professeur, Theofan S. Noli, diplômé de l'Université d'Harvard, homme d'État, poète, historien, musicologue, traducteur, polyglotte, et d'autres intellectuels éminents.

Le développement des études sur l'Albanie et l'albanais, menées sur un plan scientifique, qui éveilla aussi par ses résultats l'intérêt de chercheurs connus comme F. Bopp, F. Miklosich, H. Schuchardt, G. Meyer, J. G. von Hahn, H. Pedersen etc. vint soutenir les efforts de cette pléiade d'intellectuels pour affirmer l'individualité nationale des Albanais.

Les idéologues de la Renaissance albanaise furent réalistes dans l'évaluation des facteurs positifs et négatifs qui déterminaient la résultante historique du mouvement de libération nationale. D'une part, ils s'efforcèrent d'écarter ou d'atténuer l'influence des facteurs divergents qui empêchaient le processus d'unification de la nation et d'affirmation de son identité. D'autre part, ils soutinrent et mirent à profit les facteurs convergents positifs dans le processus d'émancipation politique et spirituelle de la société albanaise. En conséquence, le mouvement de la Renaissance nationale albanaise eut un contenu progressiste, qui tenait à ses objectifs de libération, humanistes et démocratiques.

Le fait qu'il devait affronter une réalité religieuse différente des autres peuples balkaniques, constituait un problème spécifique du mouvement national et culturel albanais. Alors que le christianisme, religion unique, servait l'union nationale des Grecs, des Serbes, des Bulgares et des Roumains dans leur lutte pour se détacher de l'Empire islamique, pour les Albanais, l'existence des trois religions (l'islamisme, le catholicisme et le christianisme orthodoxe) porteuses d'influences politiques et culturelles contraires et étrangères aux Albanais par la langue de la liturgie aussi, agissaient objectivement comme un facteur de division. À ce facteur, les idéologues de la Renaissance nationale albanaise opposèrent l'idée de l'unité nationale supra religieuse, concrétisée de façon lapidaire dans le vers de P. Vasa «La religion de l'Albanais, c'est l'albanéité». Les promoteurs de la Renaissance nationale ont ainsi doté la culture et l'école d'un esprit national albanais, d'un caractère laïque et d'un contenu nouveau en la débarrassant du moisi de la scolastique

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médiévale et en l'orientant vers les idéaux humanistes et les valeurs de la civilisation universelle.

La culture albanaise avait suivi un long et difficile parcours pour sauvegarder la continuité de la tradition autochtone et former pleinement sa physionomie nationale unique qu'elle finit par acquérir durant la Renaissance. L'enseignement de la langue albanaise à l'école s'était heurté à la présence des écoles étrangères en Albanie et à la pression dénationalisatrice des langues et des cultures universelles des États et des églises sous la juridiction desquels les Albanais eurent pour lot d'être englobés durant leur histoire. Les idéologues de la Renaissance, partant de cette expérience séculaire, jugèrent la langue maternelle une expression de l'identité et de l'unité nationale. L'albanais devint non seulement la langue de la littérature, de la presse et de l'école nationale, mais on tenta aussi d'en faire la langue de la liturgie. C'était là une tradition aux origines lointaines, car, sous l'influence des idées de la réforme protestante, le prêtre Gjon Buzuku, cherchant à se débarrasser du carcan du latin dans la liturgie catholique, traduisit en albanais un «Missel» (1555). Cette tradition fut poursuivie, dans des proportions bien plus vastes et avec une claire conception politique et linguistique nationale, par K. Kristoforidhi et F. Noli, qui donnèrent à l'église orthodoxe en Albanie sa liturgie en langue albanaise.

C'est le contenu de sa vie et la langue qui exprimait ce contenu, mais aussi le substrat populaire sur lequel elle s'est développée, qui ont donné son caractère unitaire et son originalité nationale à la culture spirituelle du peuple albanais. L'idée de la base populaire de la culture nationale qui caractérise tout le programme culturel de la Renaissance albanaise, se raviva au XIXe siècle sous l'influence des idées du romantisme, qui influèrent positivement sur les mouvements balkaniques de libération nationale. Le développement, durant la Renaissance nationale albanaise, des études sur le folklore, l'ethnologie et l'ethnographie, les multiples publications dans ces domaines, étaient une autre manifestation de la lutte pour l'affirmation dé l'identité nationale des Albanais.

Dans le cadre de la conception romantique et suivant l'idée que la culture et l'école doivent servir au raffermissement de la conscience patriotique, la connaissance scientifique des traditions historiques et leur reflet dans la création artistique constituaient un des points fondamentaux du programme culturel de la Renaissance albanaise. Les particularités de la constitution spirituelle et du développement historique du peuple albanais, reflétées dans le domaine de la pensée et de la culture, conféraient à la culture albanaise son originalité par rapport aux 

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cultures des autres peuples avec lesquels les Albanais étaient en contact.

Un autre trait du développement de la culture et de l'enseignement en Albanie durant la Renaissance nationale, consistait dans le fait que tout en luttant pour la création d'une culture et d'une école nationales, les idéologues de la Renaissance faisaient preuve d'un esprit ouvert et acceptaient d'intégrer dans ce développement les éléments culturels étrangers qui étaient positifs et répondaient aux tendances progressistes de l'émancipation politique et intellectuelle de leur peuple. C'est ce qui explique l'esprit internationaliste qui pénètre toute la pensée et la culture albanaise de l'époque.

Cet esprit qui émanait du contenu de libération anti-impérialiste, du mouvement national des Albanais, avait de profondes racines historiques. Traditionnellement, dans leurs relations avec les autres peuples, les Albanais n'avaient jamais manifesté de tendances expansionnistes et chauvines; au contraire, en maintes occasions ils avaient fait preuve d' esprit de sacrifice et de solidarité. Il suffit de rappeler que certains des idéologues et dirigeants de la Renaissance albanaise avaient combattu sur les barricades des révolutions en Europe, et notamment Naum Veqilharxhi, le premier idéologue de ce mouvement, qui prit part à la révolution roumaine de 1821, ou Pashko Vassa, poète de la Ligue albanaise de Prizren (1878-1881), qui participa à la lutte pour l'indépendance et l'union nationale de l'Italie dans les années 1848-49.

Dans le domaine des arts, le poème "Le véritable vœu des Albanais" (1886) de Naim Frashëri, grand poète national des Albanais, est un témoignage de l'esprit internationaliste qui caractérisait la culture de la Renaissance albanaise. Écrit en grec, une des langues anciennes de culture, cet ouvrage était, dans le même temps, une réponse à l'arrogance des Grandes Puissances et un message d'amitié adressé à la conscience des peuples voisins et en premier lieu du peuple grec à côté duquel le peuple albanais vivait depuis de longs siècles, avec lequel il avait versé son sang dans la lutte contre l'occupation ottomane et avait des intérêts communs pour mener à leur terme les processus d'émancipation et de développement indépendant national dans lesquels ces deux peuples anciens des Balkans s'étaient engagés depuis longtemps.

L'essence de ce message est synthétisée dans les vers:

Avec les Slaves et les Grecs, avec tous nos voisins

Nous voulons toujours vivre en harmonie comme des frères,

Pourvu que le droit de chacun toujours soit respecté.

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Tous ces traits de l'idéologie et de la culture de la Renaissance nationale ont trouvé leur expression dans le système d'enseignement, dans le contenu et les programmes des écoles de tous les niveaux, dans l'ensemble du processus de formation de l'école nationale en tant qu' école démocratique, laïque et rationaliste. Ce développement connut son apogée après le triomphe de la révolution populaire en Albanie (1944) avec la création d'un réseau d'institutions d'enseignement supérieur dans diverses régions du pays, de l'Université de Tirana et de l'Académie des Sciences. La mise sur pied de ces institutions supérieures a été fondée sur une profonde inspiration historique et a répondu aux exigences et aux perspectives du progrès général de la société albanaise actuelle.

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ΛΕΥΚΗ ΣΕΛΙΔΑ

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    19. Πρακτικά Συμποσίου, Πανεπιστήμιο

    MAIN STAGES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOFIA UNIVERSITY

    VĂRBAN TODOROV

    The idea of opening a Bulgarian Higher educational institution (a University), sprang up as early as the middle of the 19th century. The period between the 20ies and the 40ies were years of gradual economic ascent and forming of a national bourgeoisie in the Bulgarian territories and a number of Bulgarians had received their University education or were still studying at Greek, Russian or Western universities. It was those people who, possessed by a new world outlook, imbued with the spirit and ideas of the Enlightenment, strove to found a University in Bulgaria, to raise the cultural level of the people, enhance the forming of local intelligentsia and play the role of a national centre for the Bulgarians. The idea of political liberation was naturally connected and initiated by the idea of educational and cultural advancement of the people as a main prerequisite for the achievement of national consciousness.

    In the period after the Crimean war secular education was promoted in Bulgaria and class schools were opened in a number of places, which led to the necessity for a greater number of teachers with better education and special secular knowledge at that. It is natural that those Bulgarians who had graduated foreign universities could not possibly satisfy the spiritual needs of the people, and as an article from that time rightly mentioned, «the graduates started to drift away from the Bulgarian people» («Letostrui», 1871, «What is being thought and planned»).

    Here are the names of some famous scholars and spiritual enlighteners before the Liberation, who accepted and fervently backed up the idea of opening a Higher school or «panepistem» in Bulgaria —Iv. Seliminski, Iv. Bogorov, K. Fotinov, V. Aprilov, G. S. Rakovski, G.